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  Le CICR et le privilège...  
La seule existence d'un pouvoir judiciaire prévalant sur le principe de confidentialité du CICR, ou tout du moins le recours pour la première fois à ce pouvoir, marquerait la fin de la possibilité que le CICR a toujours eue de donner aux parties belligérantes les assurances dont dépend son accès aux victimes de conflits armés.
The Court itself rejected this reasoning. It recognized that the concern was not whether the Court would protect ICRC information in the proper case. Instead, the concern is: would the ICRC be in a position to assure combatants of confidentiality if ultimate authority over its information is placed beyond its control? Clearly, the answer is no. The mere existence of judicial power to overrule ICRC confidentiality, or at the very least the first time that such power was used, would mean the end of the ICRC’s long-standing ability to give warring parties the assurances upon which ICRC access to the victims of armed conflict depends. Rather than asking it to “trust the Court,” the ICRC should be allowed the discretion to release evidence in exceptional cases in which it determines that any resulting risk to its operations is tolerable. This is the effect of the ICTY Decision, of ICC Rule 73 and of the ICRC’s headquarters agreements.
  Les Protocoles de 1977 ...  
Par le nombre élevé d’États ayant accepté le Protocole I, comme, dans une mesure légèrement moindre, le Protocole II, par l’influence inéluctable que certaines règles des Protocoles ont eue et continueront à avoir sur la pratique des États non liés, il est évident qu’aujourd’hui l’essentiel de ces traités reflète l’état du droit coutumier universel.
One of the arguments quite justifiably put forward by certain analysts, concerned that the United States has not ratified Protocol I, is that there is a risk of seeing the establishment of a form of “American” customary law, somewhat different from the treaty-based law adhered to by most of the international community. On the other hand, these authors go on to say, if the United States acceded to the Protocol, it would be able to make whatever interpretative declarations and reservations it considered necessary. In view of the country’s weight on the international scene, these would be instrumental in shaping customary rules for the universal application of treaty-based norms within a single coherent framework, that of the Protocol [30 ] . Theodor Meron goes even further when he says that “by remaining aloof, the United States may be abdicating its historical leadership in the shaping of the law of war” [31 ] . His remarks about the United States appear to us equally relevant with regard to some other non-participating powers. These include the United Kingdom, of course, which we hope will soon be depositing instruments of ratification, and especially the major Asian countries, such as India, Indonesia and Japan. If international humanitarian law is to achieve a greater degree of stability and universa lity, a commitment on their part to the Protocols is a must.